Radio and television do not enjoy as much freedom as other segments
of the press because, unlike newspapers, broadcast stations are licensed
by the (1) .
The FCC does not directly regulate news broadcasts, but stations are
required to operate in (2) ;
for example, broadcasters must provide ""
to political candidates.
The FCC's (3) ""
required radio and television broadcasters to present all sides of important
public issues. It was by the FCC
in 1987.
In 1978 the Supreme Court ruled that the government has the right to
prohibit the broadcasting of (4) language.
The strong tradition of a free press in the United States rests on the
principle, rooted in English common law, that there must normally be no
(5) of
the press by the government.
In 1971, the federal government, claiming that national security was
endangered, tried to stop the New York Times from continuing to publish
a series based on the secret history of the Vietnam War — the so-called
(6) .
In 1979, a federal district court judge in Milwaukee issued an order
restraining The Progressive magazine from publishing an article on how
the (7)
works.
According to Justice Hugo Black, the First Amendment reflects the Founding
Fathers' view that "the press was to serve the (8)
, not the ."
When basic principles of the Bill of Rights collide — such as the right
of an accused person to have a fair trial and the right of freedom of the
press — the (9) may
be called upon to act as a referee.
In 1981, the Supreme Court ruled that states could permit trials to
be (10) .
In the mid-1970s the press was increasingly coming under judicial restraints
in the form of (11) ""
issued by courts to restrict news gathering and publication about criminal
proceedings.
The right to a fair trial often conflicts with the First Amendment in
another important confidentiality area — that of (12)
for reporters and their news
sources.
In a 1972 case, the Supreme Court ruled that the First Amendment did
not exempt news reporters from appearing and testifying before state and
federal (13) .
To assist the press in protecting its sources, by 1996 twenty-nine states
and the District of Columbia had passed (14) for
the news media. However, many journalists preferred no such legislation,
arguing that this would violate the First Amendment by defining — and thus
— reporters' rights.
(15) has
always been an absolute defense in libel cases.
Under the New York Times rule established in 1964, the Supreme Court
has made it almost impossible to libel a (16) unless
the statement is made with "actual malice."
In 1979, the Supreme Court ruled that journalists who are sued for libel
could be forced to produce files or notes that disclosed their (17)
""
— their thoughts and motivations-in preparing a news story.
